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By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. To browse Academia. Log in with Facebook Log in with Google. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we’ll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Dejan Djordjevic. A short summary of this paper.

PDF Pack. People also downloaded these PDFs. People also downloaded these free PDFs. Entrepreneurship education in Italian universities: trend, situation and opportunities by Donato Iacobucci. Innovation systems and knowledge-intensive entrepreneurship: Analytical framework and guidelines for case study research by Slavo Radosevic and C. Dcruz1 by Lebediyos Asnake.

Harvard and M. View PDF. Download Download PDF. Translate PDF. Systematic Entrepreneurship 21 2. Source: The Unexpected 37 4. Source: Incongruities 57 5. Source: Process Need 69 6. Source: Industry and Market Structures 76 7. Source: Demographics 88 8. Source: Changes in Perception 99 9. Source: New Knowledge The Bright Idea Principles of Innovation II. Entrepreneurial Management The Entrepreneurial Business Entrepreneurship in the Service Institution Ecological Niches It does not talk of the psychology and the character traits of entrepreneurs; it talks of their actions and behavior.

It uses cases, but primarily to exemplify a point, a rule, or a warning, rather than as success stories. The work thus differs, in both intention and execu- tion, from many of the books and articles on innovation and entre- preneurship that are being published today. It shares with them the belief in the importance of innovation and entrepreneurship. Indeed, it considers the emergence of a truly entrepreneurial economy in the United States during the last ten to fifteen years the most significant and hopeful event to have occurred in recent economic and social his- tory.

Instead, it deals with the what, when, and why; with such tangibles as policies and decisions; opportunities and risks; structures and strategies; staffing, compensation, and rewards. Innovation and entrepreneurship are discussed under three main headings: The Practice of Innovation; The Practice of Entrepreneurship; and Entrepreneurial Strategies.

Part I on the Practice of Innovation presents innovation alike as purposeful and as a discipline. It shows first where and how the entre- preneur searches for innovative opportunities.

Part II, The Practice of Entrepreneurship, focuses on the institu- tion that is the carrier of innovation. It deals with entrepreneurial management in three areas: the existing business; the public-service institution; and the new venture. What are the policies and practices that enable an institution, whether business or public-service, to be a successful entrepreneur? How does one organize and staff for entre- preneurship? What are the obstacles, the impediments, the traps, the common mistakes?

The section concludes with a discussion of indi- vidual entrepreneurs, their roles and their decisions. The test of an innovation, after all, lies not its novelty, its scientific content, or its cleverness. It lies in its success in the marketplace. These three parts are flanked by an Introduction that relates inno- vation and entrepreneurship to the economy, and by a Conclusion that relates them to society.

Entrepreneurship is neither a science nor an art. It is a practice. It has a knowledge base, of course, which this book attempts to present in organized fashion. But as in all practices, medicine, for instance, or engineering, knowledge in entrepreneurship is a means to an end. Indeed, what constitutes knowledge in a practice is largely defined by the ends, that is, by the practice. Hence a book like this should be backed by long years of practice. My work on innovation and entrepreneurship began thirty years ago, in the mid-fifties.

The group included people who were just launching their own new ventures, most of them successfully. It included mid-career executives from a wide variety of established, mostly large organizations: two big hospitals; IBM and General Electric; one or two major banks; a brokerage house; magazine and book publishers; pharmaceuticals; a worldwide charitable organiza- tion; the Catholic Archdiocese of New York and the Presbyterian Church; and so on.

Since then they have been tested, validat- ed, refined, and revised in more than twenty years of my own con- sulting work. Again, a wide variety of institutions has been involved. Wherever the name of an institution is mentioned in the text, it has either never been a client of mine e. Otherwise organizations with whom I have worked remain anonymous, as has been my prac- tice in all my management books. But the cases themselves report actual events and deal with actual enterprises.

Only in the last few years have writers on management begun to pay much attention to innovation and entrepreneurship. I have been discussing aspects of both in all my management books for decades. Yet this is the first work that attempts to present the subject in its entirety and in systematic form.

This is surely a first book on a major topic rather than the last word—but I do hope it will be accepted as a seminal work. Yet the facts and figures belie every one of these slogans. In the two decades to , the number of Americans over sixteen thereby counted as being in the work force under the con- ventions of American statistics grew by two-fifths, from to million.

But the number of Americans in paid jobs grew in the same period by one-half, from 71 to million. The labor force growth was fastest in the second decade of that period, the decade from to , when total jobs in the American economy grew by a full 24 million. In no other peacetime period has the United States created as many new jobs, whether measured in percentages or in absolute num- bers.

The American development is unique. Nothing like it has happened yet in any other country. Western Europe during the period to actually lost jobs, 3 to 4 million of them.

In , western Europe still had 20 million more jobs than the United States; in , it had almost 10 million less. Even Japan did far less well in job creation than the United States.

Actually, the American economy had to absorb twice that number. For—some- thing nobody even dreamed of in —married women began to rush into the labor force in the mid-seventies.

The result is that today, in the mid-eighties, every other married woman with young children holds a paid job, whereas only one out of every five did so in And the American economy found jobs for these, too, in many cases far better jobs than women had ever held before.

These institutions created practically all the new jobs provided in the American economy in the quarter century after World War II. And in every recession during this period, job loss and unemployment occurred predominantly in small institu- tions and, of course, mainly in small businesses.

But since the late s, job creation and job growth in the United States have shifted to a new sector. The old job creators have actually lost jobs in these last twenty years. Permanent jobs not counting recession unemployment in the Fortune have been shrinking steadily year by year since around , at first slowly, but since or at a pretty fast clip.

By , the Fortune had lost permanently at least 4 to 6 mil- lion jobs. Universities grew until ; since then, employment there has been declining.

And in the early eighties, even hospital employment stopped increasing. In other words, we have not in fact created 35 million new jobs; we have created 40 million or more, since we had to offset a permanent job shrinkage of at least 5 million jobs in the traditional employing institutions. And all these new jobs must have been created by small and medium-sized institutions, most of them small and medium-sized businesses, and a great many of them, if not the majority, new businesses that did not even exist twenty years ago.

According to The Economist, , new businesses are being start- ed in the United States every year now—about seven times as many as were started in each of the boom years of the fifties and sixties. Of the 40 million-plus jobs created since in the economy, high technology did not contribute more than 5 or 6 million. All the additional jobs in the economy were generated elsewhere. Three hundred years of technology came to an end after World War II.